Trotski i la República Catalana

Quan l’estiu de 1934 es va plantejar amb tota la seva acritud el conflicte entre el govern de la Generalitat i el govern de la República de Madrid, arran de la promulgació de la Llei de Contractes de Conreu, feia uns quants mesos que a Catalunya s’havia constituït ja l’Aliança Obrera, promoguda bàsicament pel Bloc Obrer i Camperol que liderava Joaquim Maurín. A partir de la originària Aliança Obrera contra el feixisme, que s’havia fundat el març de 1933, el 9 de desembre del mateix any es va constituir la definitiva Aliança Obrera, com a resposta al triomf electoral de les dretes a les eleccions del 19 de novembre anterior. L’amenaça involucionista que comportava aquest resultat electoral -amb radicals i CEDA ostentant la majoria parlamentària- va forçar a la creació d’un front únic obrer del qual a Catalunya en van quedar voluntàriament al marge la CNT i el Partit Comunista. Segons el seu manifest fundacional l’Aliança Obrera s’havia creat amb l’objectiu bàsic de frenar l’ofensiva antisocial de la dreta espanyola i d’evitar qualsevol cop d’Estat que imposés una dictadura feixista. L’experiència alemanya, amb l’ascens de Hitler al poder era massa recent com perquè no es podés tornar a reproduir una situació similar a l’estat espanyol. L’Aliança Obrera era, per tant, un organisme clarament defensiu, que pretenia ajuntar esforços a fi d’evitar i d’enfrontar-se, si era el cas, a la reacció de les forces d’extrema dreta espanyola.

L’evolució dels esdeveniments -la política clarament antisocial que va desenvolupar el nou govern- va acabar provocant una progressiva radicalització de la situació i que l’Aliança Obrera catalana desenvolupés una política molt més ofensiva, tant en relació al govern de Madrid com, finalment, al de Barcelona. Ja el 13 de març de 1934 va convocar una vaga general en solidaritat amb els obrers vaguistes de Madrid que, si bé va fracassar a Barcelona, va acabar triomfant a la majoria de ciutats industrials de Catalunya, tot i haver estat boicotejada pel govern de la Generalitat i no disposar del recolzament de la CNT. Amb motiu d’aquesta vaga, Maurín i Andreu Nin van ser entrevistats per la periodista Irene Polo, i tots dos van coincidir en afirmar, Maurín que calia estendre el moviment al conjunt de l’estat perquè només així  “la classe obrera podrà aconseguir l’objectiu de prendre el poder”, i Nin que “el cas és unir-se per aconseguir un mateix fi: la dominació del feixisme mitjançant la conquesta del Poder per la classe treballadora. En això estem tots d’acord; àdhuc els sindicalistes que són àcrates”. Plantejat el contenciós amb Madrid -i també, cal recordar-ho, amb els propietaris catalans de l’Institut Agrícola Català de Sant Isidre- el juny de 1934 l’Aliança Obrera catalana va celebrar una conferència en la que es va adoptar l’acord que textualment plantejava que “si el govern contrarrevolucionari de Madrid  ataca Catalunya i aquí amb aquest motiu es proclama la República Catalana, l’Aliança Obrera recolzarà el moviment, procurant prendre la direcció amb l’objectiu de conduir-lo cap al triomf de la República Socialista Federal”. Encara, abans d’octubre de 1934, l’Aliança Obrera va portar a terme una altra demostració de força quan el dia 10 de setembre va organitzar una manifestació a Barcelona, en contra dels grans propietaris de l’Institut Agrícola Català, en la que hi van participar unes 25.000 persones.

És en aquest context que Trotski va escriure el seu article, amb un to marcadament crític tant en relació amb els militants trotskistes catalans i espanyols que liderava l’Andreu Nin, com amb Maurín i amb la pròpia Aliança Obrera. Val a dir que, com en tantes altres ocasions faria en el futur, el revolucionari rus escrivia els seus suggeriments partint de la seva experiència durant la revolució russa i aplicant el model que els bolxevics havien seguit en el procés que va menar al seu triomf l’octubre de 1917. D’aquí, en bona mesura, unes crítiques que, de fet, venien de lluny. Certament, les relacions entre Nin i els trotskistes espanyols amb Trotski no havien estat especialment bones i aquest no havia vist amb bons ulls les relacions que Nin havia mantingut amb Maurín quan el setembre de 1930 havia retornat a Catalunya des de Rússia, fins al punt que pràcticament va forçar-ne la ruptura el juny de 1931. Posteriorment, en la crisi que va afectar l’Esquerra Comunista de Nin, i que s’havia prolongat fins a 1933, i en les tenses relacions que havia mantingut amb el Secretariat Internacional trotskista, les intervencions de Trotski sempre havien estat especialment crítiques. Curiosament, però, en el decurs de 1934 els articles que van aparèixer publicats a la revista “Comunismo”, l’òrgan teòric de l’Esquerra Comunista, firmats per Trotski, gairebé sempre es referien a la situació internacional o a aspectes històrics -en el número del mes de febrer publicà l’article Repaso histórico sobre el frente único- sense que hi hagi cap article específic sobre la situació espanyola o catalana. I el setembre de 1934 una editorial de “Comunismo” anunciava ja la imminent  ruptura amb Trotski i el trotskisme internacional.

Les relacions de Trotski amb Maurín i amb el Bloc Obrer i Camperol havien estat històricament molt més crítiques. Per Trotski Maurin i el BOC representaven una opció “centrista” que en cap cas podia ésser capaç de dirigir un procés revolucionari. Ja el juliol de 1931 havia recomanat als seus partidaris espanyols que portessin a terme una crítica radical contra  la política de Maurín, “aquesta barreja de prejudicis petitburgesos, d’ignorància, de “ciència” provinciana i murrieria política”. Les crítiques sobre el programa i l’actuació del BOC per part de Trotski havien estat sempre contundents, i havien trobat la seva rèplica a les pàgines de “La Batalla”, l’òrgan de premsa del BOC, amb la firma, entre altres, de Julián Gorkín o de Jordi Arquer, tot i que sempre havien defensat el revolucionari rus quan era atacat visceralment per l’estalinisme i fins i tot el mateix any 1934 havien sol·licitat que se li concedís asil polític a Espanya.

Que ara, en l’únic article que coneixem de Trotski sobre la situació catalana, publicat el 1934, tornessin a aparèixer crítiques i al mateix temps recomanacions sobre com calia actuar davant d’una situació delicada i compromesa com era la que s’estava vivint a Catalunya i a la República espanyola, era de fet completament normal. Trotski era dels pocs revolucionaris europeus que fou capaç de valorar la importància que estava assolint el procés polític de la República espanyola i si bé no sempre disposava de tota la informació possible, l’estratègia i la tàctica que dissenyava sempre apuntaven cap a una finalitat molt concreta, que no era altra que potenciar la presa del poder per la classe treballadora. I tampoc dubtava en reclamar la República Catalana, com una fórmula per fer possible un principi que sempre li havia semblat inalienable: l’exercici del dret a l’autodeterminació dels pobles i de les nacions. Un exercici que, en primera instància, havia de defensar la classe treballadora. La independència de classe, l’assumpció del protagonisme de la classe obrera -que en cap cas havia d’anar a remolc de la situació- eren altres de les recomanacions que destacava Trotski en un article contundent que, de manera clara i expressiva, situava la qüestió catalana en el primer pla de la conflictivitat republicana del moment.

Pelai Pagès

Universitat de Barcelona

 

 

 

 

 

Lleó Trostki

 

EL CONFLICTE CATALÀ I LES TASQUES DEL PROLETARIAT (1)

(estiu 1934)

 

1. L’apreciació del conflicte català (2) i de les possibilitats que se’n desprenen ha de partir del fet que Catalunya representa avui incontestablement la més forta posició de les forces defensives front a la reacció espanyola i al perill feixista. Si es perdés aquesta posició, la reacció hauria assolit una victòria decisiva i per molt temps. Amb una política justa, l’avanguarda proletària podria utilitzar aquest bastió defensiu com a punt de partida d’una nova ofensiva de la revolució espanyola. Aquesta hauria d’ésser la nostra perspectiva.

 

2. Aquest desenvolupament és impossible mentre el proletariat català no hagi aconseguit encapçalar el combat defensiu contra el govern central reaccionari de Madrid. Però això no és possible si el proletariat català manifesta estar disposat a sostenir aquesta lluita només en el cas que sigui endegada […] o l’intransigència del govern de Madrid, o el caràcter reaccionari de la petita burgesia catalana. La política seguidista de Maurín és adoptada pels nostres camarades dins l’Aliança Obrera de Catalunya (3). Però trencar aquest seguidisme només és possible si es col·loca al capdavant del moviment de defensa, si n’aclareix les perspectives, si llança consignes sempre més coratjoses i comença a prendre la direcció de la lluita no en les paraules sinó en els fets.

 

3. Una resistència victoriosa només es pot concebre si mobilitza totes les forces de les masses – i ara existeixen totes les precondicions per fer-ho – i a més si ho fa cap endavant, a l’ofensiva. Per això és d’una importància decisiva que l’avanguarda proletària expliqui des d’ara mateix a les masses obreres i camperoles de la resta d’Espanya que la victòria o la derrota de la resistència catalana determinarà igualment la seva pròpia victòria o la seva derrota. Cal mobilitzar d’immediat aquests aliats a tota Espanya, i no esperar el moment en què l’ofensiva reaccionària esdevingui un fet. (Que és la posició dels nostres camarades i de la majoria del comité de l’Aliança Obrera) (4).

 

4. Catalunya pot esdevenir l’eix de la revolució espanyola. La presa de la direcció a Catalunya ha d’ésser la base de la nostra política a Espanya. Però la política dels nostres camarades ho fa del tot impossible. Cal canviar urgentment aquesta política si no es vol que una situació decisiva acabi, pels nostres errors, en una nova derrota que podria ser decisiva per molt temps.

No hem d’amagar-nos que la política dels nostres camarades sobre aquesta qüestió ha malmès el prestigi no només de la nostra organització i de l’Aliança Obrera, sinó del proletariat mateix, i que no pot ser recuperat sense un gir radical i la prova dels fets. La posició actual dels nostres camarades i dels de l’Aliança Obrera només pot ser entesa per les masses treballadores no proletàries de la següent manera: el proletariat, per mitjà de les seves organitzacions, està disposat a participar si d’altres comencen. I posa preu per fer-ho (veure els termes imposats per l’Aliança Obrera) a l’Esquerra catalana (5), ignora completament els interessos particulars de la pagesia i de les masses petit-burgeses, i es dedicarà a dirigir el combat tant de pressa com sigui possible cap els seus propis objectius de classe, la dictadura del proletariat (6). En comptes d’aparèixer com a dirigent de totes les capes oprimides de la nació, com a dirigent del moviment d’alliberament nacional, el proletariat només apareix aquí com a acompanyant de les altres classes: de fet, un acompanyant molt egoista a qui s’ha de fer donacions, o més aviat promeses, perquè se’l necessita i en tant que se’l necessita. La petita burgesia catalana, la gran burgesia i la reacció, basant-se en la davallada de la petita burgesia, no podien desitjar res millor del proletariat en una situació com aquesta.

 

5. Els nostres camarades han de fonamentar el seu gir per sobre de tot en el següent: han de fer agitació (tant des de la seva organització com des de l’Aliança Obrera) a favor de la proclamació d’una república catalana independent, i han d’exigir, per tal de garantir-la, l’armament immediat de tot el poble. No s’ha d’esperar que el govern els armi: han de formar immediatament milícies obreres que no només exigiran del govern el millor equipament, sinó que l’obtindran desarmant els reaccionaris i els feixistes. El proletariat ha de demostrar a les masses catalanes que té un interès sincer per la defensa de l’independència catalana. És aquí que raurà el pas decisiu vers la conquesta de la direcció en la lluita de totes les capes, preparada per a la defensa a la vegada de la ciutat i del camp. L’armament del poble ha d’esdevenir el centre de la nostra agitació en les properes setmanes, entorn de les consignes següents: “Cap retallada dels sous! El govern i la patronal han d’assumir el cost de l’equipament i les reserves!”. S’han de dedicar les forces militars existents com a instructors en la formació de les milícies, i fer elegir els oficials per les milícies. La base de la milícia és la fàbrica.

Els obrers de la gran industria, dels ferrocarrils, etc. i de tots els serveis públics han de formar part automàticament d’aquesta milícia. La majoria del poble ha d’ésser cridat a unir-s’hi. Cada regiment elegeix el seu comité, el qual envia un representant al comité central de totes les unitats de milícia de Catalunya. El comité central –és a dir, el soviet central- funciona com a Estat polític, però primer i abans de res com a organisme de control i més tard com a autoritat central per a les reserves i l’equipament de les forces armades. En la realització d’aquesta tasca, esdevindrà l’organisme al costat del govern, el govern pròpiament dit (7). És la forma, el desenvolupament concret del soviets en la situació actual a Catalunya.

 

6. Degut a les seves profundes divisions internes (8) que no li permeten establir la seva hegemonia a Catalunya, el proletariat no pot, en la situació actual, proclamar per ell sol l’independència de Catalunya. Però pot i deu cridar amb totes les seves forces a l’independència i exigir-la del govern petit burgès de l’Esquerra. Ha de respondre a les seves maniobres dilatòries per la convocatòria d’eleccions. “Necessitem un govern que representi i dirigeixi la voluntat real de lluita de les masses populars”. Els comités de regiment de la milícia han d’esdevenir el mitjà principal per a la preparació i la celebració de les dites eleccions. En altres paraules, en la mesura en què les dues fases del problema, la proclamació de la independència i l’armament del poble, poden estar separades l’una de l’altre, és per mitjà de la segona que s’ha de realitzar la primera.

 

7. El proletariat no només ha de posar al davant les reivindicacions democràtiques (llibertat de prensa, Estat auster, anivellament dels salaris dels funcionaris, economia democràtica, supressió dels impostos indirectes, impost progressiu directe sobre els propietaris per a finançar la resistència, etc.) per a ell mateix i a més de les seves pròpies reivindicacions de classe, sinó que també ha d’incorporar totes les reivindicacions específiques dels pagesos i de les masses petit burgeses a les reivindicacions anteriors.

 

Hi ha manca d’informació sobre els detalls de la qüestió agrària, però el proletariat, per pròpia iniciativa, abans de res ha d’armar les masses amb consignes i reivindicacions per les quals combatre. Però sense presentar aquestes reivindicacions com a condicions per participar com a classe a la lluita (9).

 

 

 

 


Notes

*Entre claudators, les notes afegides per la traducció catalana.

 

(1) Arxius James P. Cannon, Biblioteca d’Història Social, Nova York. [Editat per primera vegada, en francés, a Léon Trotsky. Oeuvres, volum 4, Paris EDI, 1979. D’aquesta edició francesa n’hem fet la traducció al català, creiem que per primera vegada. No ens consta cap traducció al castellà. Els investigadors i editors francesos expliquen:]

Aquest document, trobat en el arxius de la C.L.A. [Lliga Comunista d’Amèrica] no porta cap data, i es troba en un dossier que porta la data de 1934; està escrit en anglès, una traducció més aviat mediocre que hem hagut de retraduir per aproximació. Es tracta, amb força versemblança, d’una carta adreçada al S.I. [Secretariat Internacional de la Lliga Comunista Internacional] el contingut de la qual permet situar-la aproximadament entre juliol i setembre. [Revisats butlletins de l’època i escrits de balanç dels protagonistes, no sembla que aquesta carta arribés a Espanya]

 

(2) Un cop celebrades les eleccions generals del novembre de 1933, la formació d’extrema dreta, la C.E.D.A. de José Maria Gil Robles y Quiñones (1898-1980) s’havia convertit en el grup més important de les Cortes i reclamava sorollosament el poder, amb tot tipus d’amenaces. D’altra banda, el desembre de 1933, el dirigent del partit petit burgès nacionalista català Lluís Companys i Jover (1883-1940) havia esdevingut president de la Generalitat de Catalunya. El “conflicte català”, fins llavors latent, havia esclatat l’abril de 1934, amb la votació pel parlament català, sota la pressió de l’organització pagesa dels rabassaires, d’una llei que reduïa de manera important els vells drets feudals del propietaris.

El govern central, presidit des de feia poc per Ricardo Samper Ibañez (1881-1938), sota la pressió dels grans propietaris catalans, va recórrer aquesta llei davant el Tribunal de Garantías Constitucionales, el qual l’annul·là el 10 de juny. El parlament català llavors votà immediatament una nova llei, idèntica en tots els punts, i els diputats catalans –imitats pels bascos – van abandonar les Cortes. Era evident que la situació portava a una prova de força, car l’entrada de la C.E.D.A. en el govern –a la qual el P.S. [P.S.O.E.] estava decidit a respondre per la força a tot el país– no podia significar altra cosa que la posada en qüestió de les llibertats catalanes per la força de les armes.

 

(3) L’Aliança Obrera de Catalunya s’havia constituït el novembre de 1933. Era un front únic de diverses organitzacions obreres, el Bloc Obrer i Camperol, l’Esquerra Comunista (de Nin), el Partit Socialista Obrer Espanyol, el sindicat reformista U.G.T., els sindicats exclosos de la C.N.T. per haver seguit els dissidents dits “trentistes”, hostils a la presa de la direcció del sindicat per part dels anarquistes de la F.A.I., i la Federació Sindicalista llibertaria, igualment sortida d’una escissió de la C.N.T.. Joaquim Maurin Jullia (1896-1973), antic dirigent de la C.N.T., després del Partit Comunista, exclòs al principi dels anys trenta amb la Federació Catalano-Balear, era el principal dirigent del Bloc Obrer i Camperol de Catalunya. Des de feia uns quants anys, Trotski retreia als seus camarades espanyols, i a Andreu Nin en particular, la pràctica d’una política “seguidista” respecte a aquest corrent que ell considerava com a expressió d’un corrent petit burgès catalanista.

 

(4) La posició adoptada per la conferència regional el juny de 1934 de l’Aliança Obrera de Catalunya havia estat de “donar suport” si “el govern contrarrevolucionari de Madrid atacava Catalunya, i si, per aquest motiu, es proclamava la república catalana”. Aquesta posició equivalia ni més ni menys a deixar la decisió d’endegar la lluita … al govern català de Companys, del qual Maurin pensava –i havia d’escriure en el seu llibre Revolución y contrarrevolución en España – que “ho tenia tot a les seves mans”.

 

(5) L’Esquerra [Republicana de Catalunya] era l’organització nacionalista de Catalunya, el primer cap de la qual, el coronel Macià, havia començat per proclamar la “república catalana”. El seu cap en aquell moment, Companys, era l’advocat dels militants de la C.N.T. des de feia anys.

 

(6) La conferència de juny de l’Aliança Obrera havia especificat en la seva resolució final les reivindicacions proletàries que posava com a condició per a la seva participació a la resistència enfront de Madrid.

 

(7) L’estiu de 1936, el “comité central de milícies” de Catalunya va esdevenir en algunes setmanes, efectivament, l’autèntic govern revolucionari de la Catalunya aixecada contra el pronunciament colpista dels generals.

 

(8) La C.N.T. catalana va restar decididament al marge de l’Aliança Obrera, a diferència de l’organització regional asturiana, que n’era membre entusiasta.

 

(9) Aquests consells a la Izquierda Comunista de España no van ser escoltats, i l’I.C.E. no va tenir en compte aquestes apreciacions. Malgrat que es va pronunciar per la república catalana, la Izquierda Comunista esperà l’entrada de la C.E.D.A. al govern l’octubre de 1934 per cridar a la vaga general a través de l’Aliança Obrera. Aquesta vaga, combatuda per la C.N.T., va ser un fracàs, comportant la posada en qüestió de l’statu quo de les “llibertats” catalanes, i de la pròpia existència de la Generalitat.

 

 

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